Memorandum
of Conversation/1/
/1/
Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 643,
Country Files, Middle East, India/Pakistan, December 1-10. Top
Secret; Sensitive. The heading on the memorandum describes the report of
the conversation as an extract. The meeting was held in the White House Oval
Office. The time of the meeting is from the President's Daily Diary, as is the
fact that it was also attended by Kissinger and Deputy Assistant to the
President Alexander Butterfield, who apparently took the notes on the meeting.
(Ibid., White House Central Files)
Washington, December 9, 1971, 4-4:41 p.m.
Following
an exchange of pleasantries in which Matskevich/2/ emphasized Mr. Brezhnev's
warmly anticipated meeting with President Nixon, the President informed the
Soviet representatives that he wished to discuss an urgent problem very
frankly. The President continued, "I want you to know how strongly I
personally feel about this issue." Great progress has been made in
US/Soviet relations. No one two years ago would have thought this progress
possible. It includes progress on SALT, the Berlin situation, and an
agreement on the Spring Summit. Discussions have been held on the possibility
of a European Security Conference, and the opportunity exists for a totally new
relationship between the U.S. and the USSR.
/2/
Minister of Agriculture Vladimir Matskevich arrived
in Washington on December 9 and Nixon
saw him and Vorontsov on Kissinger's recommendation.
Kissinger saw Matskevich's presence as an opportunity
to send a high-level message to the Soviet leadership that if India turned its military
strength on West
Pakistan
after defeating the Pakistani forces in East Pakistan it would create a
crisis of the utmost gravity. Kissinger felt that Nixon should make the point
that Soviet support of the Indian use of force in East Pakistan raised serious
questions as to whether the United States could work with the Soviet Union on issues of mutual
concern. (Memorandum from Kissinger to Nixon, December 9; ibid., NSC Files, Box
492, President's Trip Files, Dobrynin/Kissinger,
1971, Vol. 8)
"Now,
quite frankly, a great cloud hangs over it-the problem of the
Subcontinent." Six-hundred million will win over 60,000,000 people. Pakistan will be cut in half. In
the short-range, this may be a gain for the Soviet Union and a setback for China. It is certain to be a
tragedy for Pakistan. What is far more
significant if the situation continues is the fact that it will poison the
whole new relationship between the U.S. and the USSR. The question is, 'are
short-term gains for India worth jeopardizing
Soviet relations with the U.S.?' This is not conveyed
in a threatening way./3/ It would be difficult,
however, for the U.S. to stand by if the
Indians move forces into West Pakistan. The key to a
settlement is in the hands of the Soviet Union. If the Soviets do not
restrain the Indians, it will be difficult for the U.S. to deal with Yahya./4/
If the Indians continue military operations, we must
inevitably look toward a confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States. The Soviet Union has a treaty with India, but the United States has obligations to Pakistan. The urgency of a
ceasefire must be recognized./5/
/3/ At
this point in the conversation, Nixon said: "I think there is a better
way. A better way is for the Soviet Union and the United States to find a method where
we can work together for peace in that area. Now, the first requirement is that
there be a cease-fire. The second requirement is that,
and this is imperative, that the Indians . . . desist in their attacks on West Pakistan." He went on to
propose that a cease-fire be succeeded by political negotiations "within a
Pakistan framework."
(Ibid., White House Tapes, Recording of conversation between President Nixon and
Soviet Minister Matskevich, December 9, 1971, 4-4:41
p.m., Oval Office, Conversation No. 634-12) A transcript of the conversation is
published in Foreign Relations, 1969-1976, volume E-7, Documents on South Asia, 1969-1972, Document 169.
/4/ Nixon
said: "If the Soviet Union does not restrain the Indians, the United States will not be able to
exert any influence with Yahya to negotiate a
political settlement with the Awami League." (Ibid.)
/5/ Nixon
concluded the conversation by reiterating that it was important not to allow
differences over South Asia "to endanger and jeopardize the relations
that are far more important." He said: "Now is the time to move, to
settle this thing before it blows up to a major confrontation." Nixon and
Kissinger assessed the meeting after Matskevich and Vorontsov left. Nixon was pleased with the exchange.
"I really stuck it to him." Kissinger predicted: "It will end
now. It will end. We will lose 70 percent but that's a hell of a lot better. We
were losing 110 percent yesterday." Nixon felt that, at a minimum, his
initiative with Matskevich would have the effect of
stopping "the goddamn Indians from going to the West." (Ibid.)
Source: Document 257, volume XI, South
Asia crisis 1971, Department of State.