Department of State

 

AIRGRAM

CONFIDENTIAL A-152

 

 

TO             : DEPARTMENT OF STATE

INFO         :  BONN, CALCUTTA, COPENHAGEN, DACCA, THE HAGUE, KARACHI, LAHORE, LONDON,            

                     MOSCOW, NEW DELHI, OSLO, OTTAWA, PARIS, PESHAWAR, ROME. STOCKHOLM,TOKYO

FROM       :  Amembassy ISLAMABAD

DATE        : AUGUST 30, 1971

SUBJECT  :  Some East Pakistan Observations: A Trip Report by FSO H. Batjer

REF           : Dacca 3112; 3135; and 3036

 

SUMMARY: The general atmosphere in East Pakistan is one of sustained anxiety, uncertainty and in some cases real fear. Law and order is non-existent in some areas and generally weak elsewhere. The population is subject to harassment, looting and often death from an over zealous Army, the Mukti Bahini, dacoits and communal revengers. After law and order, transportation and communications remain the most immediate and serious problem. A continuing lack of adequate transportation will increase the possibility of famine. However, serious efforts are being made to overcome the transportation problem and most East Pakistanis do not believe there will be wide spread famine. Industry primarily jute and cotton, is making a come back but very slowly. Commerce is making a slower come back. In some cases commercial networks have completely broken down because of the lack of law and order, broken communications and the exodus of the Hindu entrepreneurs. On the average, about 60 percent of the labor force has returned to work but its production is low. End Summary.

 

The reporting officer spent two weeks in Dacca on TDY (July 28 to August 11). During that time she travelled from Dacca via Jessore to Khulna by car and flew to Chittagong. She made official calls on twenty-eight people including GOEP officials, bankers, industrialists, educators, businessmen, missionaries, UN personnel and Third Country consular representatives. The following report is based on these and less formal conversations, and her own observations.

 

The General Situation and Law and Order

Perhaps the most disturbing element in the East Pakistan situation is the public's total lack of confidence in the future. Personal security and general well being are nonexistent for most people whether they support the idea of a united Pakistan or Bangla Desh. Without reason, citizens are killed, maimed and/or deprived of family and possessions. Because the press and radio fail to accurately report local news and c - conditions, the public evaluates the situation by rumor. There are daily, if not hourly rumors of Military, Naxalite, Mukti Bahini and dacoit actual or planned violence. Some of the rumors are true, but most often they herald events which often do not materialize.

 

The population is crushed between the Army, Mukti Bahini, dacoits and in the western part of the province Naxalites. If a man does not go back to work the Army may abuse him; if he does go to work the Mukti Bahini may discipline him; if he manages to work the dacoits may rob him when he takes his pay home; and if he has a good job, the Naxalites may kill him.

 

It is said towns and cities are now safer than the villages because the warring factors are prowling the countryside. When molested, primarily by ambush in the country, the Army takes indiscriminate reprisals in the area. The Mukti Bahini seeks refuge and food from the sympathetic local Bengalis, but their lives are endangered should the local Peace Committee and/or Army collaborators learn of their support. The dacoits who are common thieves and criminals, rob indiscriminately. The Naxalites assassinate and terrorize. In Khulna, the Naxalites have distributed handbills stating that these are their tactics and that they have nothing in common with the Mukti Bahini or any other so called nationalist movement; but theirs is another cause (unexplained). Under these conditions everyone has a lethal enemy.

 

Perhaps the most tragic aspect of the total scene is the communal killings which have occurred and continue to go on. In some areas such as Khatunganj on the outskirts of Chittagong communal killings started well before March 26, in other areas after this date. Neighbors who have lived in peace for over twenty years have and are now killing one another and looting the victim's property. The horror stories involving communal killings and atrocities are unending and confidence in anyone, outside a particular ethnic or religious group is minimal and within the group limited.

 

There is no authority in East Pakistan today which has the power to guarantee reasonable protection against all these many currents of violence. The lack of law and order has a direct effect on all segments of life, including those discussions below.

 

Transportation and Communications:

The transportation and communications system in East Pakistan has been badly crippled and in many areas remains paralyzed. Although East Pakistan is an area of almost unlimited waterways, they have never been commercially developed much beyond the ports of Chittagong, Chalna/Khulna, and Narayanganj. The cargo from these ports traditionally was handled by rail and truck.

 

Artery roads such as Dacca to Chittagong via Comilla, and Dacca to Mymensingh are out and even if repaired would be very susceptable to further sabotage. The pre­March trucking fleet was inadequate and old and now is further limited because trucks have been commandeered by the Military or deserted because of the law and order situation. However, in those areas were roads are passable some trucking is going on. According to two knowledgeable sources, drivers are reclaiming their trucks and going back to trucking. However, many deserted trucks were seen in the Dacca, Khulna and Chittagong areas. The Military will enlist trucks for certain jobs but once the job is completed they are released for civilian use, it is said.

 

The railroad between Chittagong and Chandpur became operative the first week in August and a rail-cum-ferry transport service has been established between Dacca and Chittagong. Rail service between Khulna and Bogra has continued to operate since March 26 except for three or four days when a sabotaged bridge was being repaired. There is only passenger rail service north of Dacca into the Mymensingh area. All rail service is restricted to daylight hours because the rail communication system has been badly damaged and because of the vulnerability of trains to night sabotage. Further, none of the trains are carrying capacity loads because of the security precaution against mines which calls for two rock load cars to be pushed ahead of the locomotive. This precaution also calls for a light load behind the locomotive so its weight will not push the locomotive into the rail breach should the rock cars explode a mine. Under these circumstances it is doubtful that the rail system will be able to transport much more than one-third of its pre-March capacity for the foreseeable future.

 

With rail and road transport extremely vulnerable to sabotage, water transport must carry the bulk of cargo. Both the MLA and the GOEP recognizes the importance of developing water transport, and, therefore, national as well as international efforts are being made to augment and improve this transport system. By August 11, one American financed and the three Pakistan purchased Chinese coasters had arrived to augment the existing Pakistan fleet of about 18 coasters. An additional 17 American financed coasters and 9 mini bulkers, about 9 Pakistan purchased coasters, three Dutch financed coasters and if available up to 9 British financed landing craft are expected by the end of November. This could bring the coaster/landing-craft fleet up to around 69. Knowledgeable Pakistan officials believe at least 20 additional tugs could be used usefully for handling general cargo and jute. They further maintained that the two major ports are capable of handling required import and export cargo.

The transport authorities recognizes the security problems and through Razakar's, the civilian militia recruited locally most of whom are very young, poorly armed (one barrel shotgun), the authorities hope to guard bridges, culverts, rails and shipping. They are also to be stationed on boat convoys moving up country through narrow rivers and waterways.

 

It is possible that the transportation crisis will be met and if so may redirect East Pakistan transportation system from rail and road to water. This would be a sound shift and could represent a real contribution to economic development, once that is under way again.

 

Ports

At the time of the RO's visit to the Chittagong and Khulna ports, neither port was working at near capacity because of lack of ships in harbor. In both ports, foodgrain and general cargo was being handled. Storage space was available. Port officials claimed an adequate labor force is aboard and it can be readily increased if necessary. Port rail and other facilities were operating normally since neither port was damaged during the March/April disturbances or later.

 

Government and Business Management:

Not surprisingly, private enterprise seems to be taking a more vigorous and practical approach to its problems than the demoralized civilian government. Business and industry are identifying their problems and has grouped together to cope with them. This group recognizes that its survival is dependent upon its own initiatives. In the case of security and transportation, private enterprise is active in recruiting and employing security guards to guard vital installations including management officials, boilers and generators, and is organizing boat convoys and insisting on navy escorts for up-country cargo. Recognizing that the civilian government is ineffectual, business insists that the responsible MLA official be present at government called meetings concerning business and industry so the matter at hand can be considered seriously and action can be initiated.

 

As for transportation, the MLA has let it be known that the first priority will be food grains. If, however, there is a delay in foodgrain arrivals, business interests are insisting that the shipping be released for their use. In most cases they are succeeding with this demand but recognizing the situation, they are making certain their shipments are handled with utmost speed.

 

On the government side, its personnel is demoralized and ineffectual. Perhaps officials are more sensitive to and concerned with the moral issues involved; were generally committed to the Awami League; wish to avoid the possible charge of collaboration; see little hope in the immediate future; and are afraid of the MLA. Whatever the reasons, the civilian government does not function much beyond the routine. Even Military officers assigned to civilian jobs refuse to test the perimeter of their authority and avoid taking responsibility. Unless a powerful civilian Secretary and/or Governor is appointed and given full authority via a published presidential decree, the civilian government of East Pakistan will continue to be nothing more than a facade for the MLA. To date, the MLA holds the power and responsibility, a fact so aptly recognized by the business community.

 

Trade and Commerce and Industry:

If a spirit to overcome the present difficulties exists in East Pakistan it is with the business community. Although not a large or strong group, it is not accepting the situation as hopeless. In fact there are elements which believe the situation offers a number of speculative opportunities. Industry and commerce are showing a very fragil upward trend, but it is well recognized that this trend could be reversed by the smallest adverse event. The commercial network was broken down and still is in many places. Reportedly, it is functioning at about 40 percent of normal. However, merchants are finding ways of re-establishing their contracts and resuming trade. The local merchants, weak as they may be, represent the only network in the countryside on which the government can rely for moving foodgrains into the remote areas of the country according to GOEP officials. In general industry is operating at around 50 percent of capacity. This is a move upward from zero during March to May period. If the security and transportation situation continues at about its present level it is doubtful that production can move much above 60 percent but if the transportation system improves, industry should react accordingly.

 

The Labor Force:

The industrial labor force is at about 60 percent of normal strength. According to industrialist the labor force is adequate under the circumstances. They noted that during 1970 politics and labor forced business and industry to accept a considerable amount of featherbedding and they do not intend to re-employ as many workers as they had on the rolls on March 25. The general estimate is that between 80-85 percent of the March labor force will be re-employed.

 

As for the workers, they are fearful, unsettled and concerned for their families who in most cases remain in the villages. They are ready to leave at a moment's notice but if possible are prepared to work rather than have their families in want even if this means displeasing anti-government forces. However, if threatened or abused personally they are inclined to leave for their village and/or India.

 

Production (about 50 percent) does not match the labor force because some of the current labor force is new and unskilled. As for management/ labor relations, firms having good labor relations prior to March 26 by and large have their old labor force back. In most cases these firms successfully persuaded the Military to leave their workers alone and as a result production in their plants is good. Firms which had poor labor relations and made no effort to curb the Army's burning of worker's huts or in anyway tried to establish re-establish confidence in their workers, have workers who are sullenly fearful and not very productive.

 

Unfortunately firms with poor labor relations seem determined not to made a fresh start and will certainly have serious labor problems ahead.

 

Famine:               .

From non-expert observations, the crops between Dacca and Khulna and around Dacca and Chittagong looked good. Fields were being worked by what appeared to be an adequate labor force. Animals were in abundant evidence.

 

Peasants in the villages, on the roads, and in the fields looked like peasants throughout the sub-Continent, poor, ill-housed, ill-clothed, but not in dire want.

 

No official, non-official, or foreign missionary would agree that East Pakistan is facing wide scale famine. Some said there could be pockets of famine but were sure there would be no starvation. District officials, food authorities and agriculturalists all thought East Pakistan would have had record crops this year if there had been no political upheaval. (If current flooding is widespread, the food situation could change drastically.) Foodgrain at reasonable prices continues to be available throughout the province.

 

Refugees:

Most East Pakistanis believe that the Indian figure of 8 million refugees is an exaggeration but they will readily agree to around 5 million. It is broadly recognized that Hindus have been an Army target and some say this is because the Hindus support India against Pakistan. The Hindu lands have been taken over by Biharis, Bengalis, and in some cases Christians. Hindu shops have also been commandeered but many are also boarded up. No one expressed any real regret over the fate of the Hindus.

 

GOEP and local officials staunchly maintain that property will be returned to returning refugees. It is reluctantly admitted that the local Peace Committees can and do decide if the returning refugee is loyal and worthy of life, not to mention the return of property.

No official will deny that people are still leaving East Pakistan for India and private citizens believe that many people are still leaving. Missionaries tell of an underground organization which will guide people to India for 17 rupees per head. However, most believe the great exodus is over.

 

The Punjabis and Biharis seem to think East Pakistan is much better place with a brighter future now that the "trouble makers" have left. It is an unhappy fact that Dacca is a more pleasant city with about one-third of its population gone. It still seems crowded by standards other than those of the sub-Continent. One Dacca intellectual opined that is not Mujib, Yahya, Bhutto, or East Pakistan exploitation which is responsible for the blood letting underway, but rather the pressure of an exploding population.

 

The possibility of a war with India is broadly discussed but not in the context of the refugee problem, but rather because of traditional religious, political, and territorial differences.

 

University of Chittaeong:

During a visit to the Chittagong University the RO met the Acting Vice Chancellor, numerous professors and other faculty members, and eleven students. The visit came two days after fall registration. When asked, the Acting Vice Chancellor said that out of 106 professors 26 were no longer on the staff, 13 were either foreign professors who left because of the trouble or Pakistanis who had permission to go abroad. The other 13 including the Vice Chancellor have left for India. As for the student body which normally consists of about 1,500 students, 800 are students working on advance degrees, are not required to attend class and can register between August 2 and the first part of October. The remaining 700 should have registered on or about August 2. The Vice Chancellor declined to indicate how many had in fact registered, but said the number was very, very small. During an informal discussion with the Vice Chancellor and two members of his staff, they estimated that 500,000 people had lost their lives since March 3. They believed that 5 million people had left for India of which the majority were Hindus. They argued over who had started communal killings, the Bengalis or the Biharis. They doubted seriously that many refugees particularly Hindus would return. They were philosophical about their colleagues who had gone to India and hoped they would be able "to make out". They were certain this academic semester would be more or less a loss but if things "settled down" they thought the serious students would return. They did not believe a political solution is possible until confidence and security in the province is restored. They deplored the censored press and said a creditable radio and press is essential if the public is to be informed of the everyday situation in the country. They felt the East Pakistan intellectuals had failed to give proper leadership and were naive in their approach to East Pakistan's problems.

 

The Vice Chancellor was cautiously hopeful about the future, but was certain that it would take at least a generation to recover from the shock and bitterness generated by this fateful year. The two younger men were less hopeful. They were fearful that India would attack Pakistan and even a greater bloodbath would ensue.

 

They were grateful that the UN would be having a large staff in East Pakistan on the theory that the more foreigners the better. (This view was expressed by many others as well because they believe that the presence of foreigners curbs the Army.)

 

Attitude Toward US:

Most officials and other citizens expressed appreciation for the US position which they considered to be one of attempting to stabilize the situation and to help alleviate human suffering. On August 7., the press reported that the US had given $1 million to the UN to help finance the UN staff in East Pakistan. Regarding this news, a banker remarked "now we can see that your government has been working hard behind the scenes on a solution for the problems here."

 

Two young Bengalis on separate occasions, furiously asked why the US was supplying arms to Pakistan while the Bengalis are fighting for their lives. They maintained that India was Bangla Desh's only friend. They condemned our efforts to get foodgrain to Pakistan in order to prevent starvation and said Bengalis would rather die than have the MLA assisted. One said if the Mukti Bahini does not succeed the Naxalites will. Both claimed the Mukti Bahini was gaining strength and would soon be a match for the Army. They probably represent the thinking of many of the Bengalis their age, as well as others.

 

Note: Because of the irregular pouch service, this airgram has not been cleared with our Consulate General in Dacca, but any comments it wishes to make are, of course, welcome.

 

Farland

 

 

 

Source: The American Papers (Secret and confidential India, Pakistan and Bangladesh Documents; page no – 650 - 656, The University Press.